• Falana slams
Senate for summoning CCT chairman
• Saraki will not benefit from amended CCB/CCT Act, upper chamber restates
• Says it bought 36 SUVs, not 108
• Saraki will not benefit from amended CCB/CCT Act, upper chamber restates
• Says it bought 36 SUVs, not 108
Tobi Soniyi and
Omololu Ogunmade in Abuja
The prosecution witness in the trial of Senate President Bukola Saraki before the Code of Conduct Tribunal (CCT) sitting in Abuja yesterday admitted that some of the exhibits he tendered before the tribunal were not investigated by him or his team.
The prosecution witness in the trial of Senate President Bukola Saraki before the Code of Conduct Tribunal (CCT) sitting in Abuja yesterday admitted that some of the exhibits he tendered before the tribunal were not investigated by him or his team.
The witness,
Michael Wetkas, who is an investigator with the Economic and Financial Crimes
Commission (EFCC), while being cross-examined by the defence counsel, Mr. Kanu
Agabi (SAN), admitted that he did not investigate the petitions listed as
Exhibits 11, 12 and 13 which formed the basis for prosecuting Saraki.
The defence had
presented the exhibits to him and consequently questioned him about them.
Wetkas said that the petitions pertaining to the three exhibits were not investigated by him.
Exhibit 11, which was dated May 22, 2012, contained a petition written by the Kwara Freedom Network inviting the EFCC to investigate the Kwara State Universal Basic Education Board.
The witness had while giving evidence in chief, told the tribunal that the petition by the Kwara Freedom Network triggered the investigation.
Wetkas said that the petitions pertaining to the three exhibits were not investigated by him.
Exhibit 11, which was dated May 22, 2012, contained a petition written by the Kwara Freedom Network inviting the EFCC to investigate the Kwara State Universal Basic Education Board.
The witness had while giving evidence in chief, told the tribunal that the petition by the Kwara Freedom Network triggered the investigation.
He however turned
around during cross-examination to say that his team did not investigate the
petition.
Exhibit 12, which was dated May 7, 2011, was addressed to the Chairman of the EFCC asking the anti-graft agency to investigate the Kwara State Government on borrowings for projects described as phoney.
Exhibit 13 was a petition dated June 7, 2012, which dwelt on the mismanagement of local government revenue in Kwara State between 2003 and 2011.
Exhibit 12, which was dated May 7, 2011, was addressed to the Chairman of the EFCC asking the anti-graft agency to investigate the Kwara State Government on borrowings for projects described as phoney.
Exhibit 13 was a petition dated June 7, 2012, which dwelt on the mismanagement of local government revenue in Kwara State between 2003 and 2011.
When asked whether
in the course of investigation, he had sought audience to speak with the
Accountant General of Kwara State, the witness said he did not as that was not
part of his assignment.
Also asked whether he invited any official of the Kwara State Government in the course of the investigation, the witness also said he did not.
Also asked whether he invited any official of the Kwara State Government in the course of the investigation, the witness also said he did not.
Asked whether he
got another written document to buttress the petition written by the Kwara
Freedom Network, the witness said he did not.
When further asked
why he tendered documents he did not investigate, the witness said he did not
tender the exhibits on his own but that they were tendered through him by the
prosecution.
Also under cross-examination, the witness admitted that investigating the assets declared by the defendant did not form part of his schedule of duty.
Also under cross-examination, the witness admitted that investigating the assets declared by the defendant did not form part of his schedule of duty.
He also admitted
that Exhibits 3, 4 and 5, being the asset declaration forms of the defendant,
were duly examined and stamped by the Code of Conduct Bureau (CCB) and not the
EFCC, his employer.
He added that there was no where in the petition he investigated where Saraki’s assets declaration was in contention.
He added that there was no where in the petition he investigated where Saraki’s assets declaration was in contention.
He further added
that the investigation of the defendant was based on an intelligence report
obtained by the former Chairman of the EFCC, Ibrahim Lamorde, and not the three
petitions tendered as exhibits.
Specifically, the witness stated that the six assets declaration forms submitted by Saraki to the CCB were never investigated by his team, adding that his team was directed to investigate the intelligence report alone.
Specifically, the witness stated that the six assets declaration forms submitted by Saraki to the CCB were never investigated by his team, adding that his team was directed to investigate the intelligence report alone.
Further hearing
continues today.
But as the witness’ testimony was being torn apart yesterday, human rights lawyer and activist, Mr. Femi Falana, slammed the Senate Committee on Ethics for summoning the Chairman of the CCT, Mr. Danladi Umar, to appear before it to testify in respect of a petition alleging corrupt practices against him.
But as the witness’ testimony was being torn apart yesterday, human rights lawyer and activist, Mr. Femi Falana, slammed the Senate Committee on Ethics for summoning the Chairman of the CCT, Mr. Danladi Umar, to appear before it to testify in respect of a petition alleging corrupt practices against him.
In a lengthy
treatise, Falana said: “It is pertinent to point out that the Ethics Committee
of the Senate lacks the power to summon the tribunal chairman to testify in
respect of a criminal investigation. More so that the allegation being examined
by the Ethics Committee of the Senate is the subject matter of a pending
criminal case at the High Court of the Federal Capital Territory sitting in
Abuja.
“Following the
allegation that the personal assistant of the tribunal chairman allegedly
received a bribe from a suspect on behalf of his master, the matter was
investigated by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission.
“At the end of the
investigation the tribunal chairman was exonerated while his personal assistant
was indicted. Consequently, the suspect has since been charged to court.
Since the case has not been concluded or terminated, it is the height of
contempt on the part of the Senate or any of its committees to decide to
conduct another trial on the same subject matter.”
Citing Sections
88(1) and (2) of the constitution, Falana reminded the Senate that the National
Assembly is only empowered to conduct an inquiry for the purpose of enabling it
to: “(a) make laws with respect to any matter within its legislative competence
and correct any defects in existing laws; and (b) expose corruption,
inefficiency or waste in the execution or administration of laws within its
legislative competence and in disbursement or administration of funds
appropriated by it.”
He noted that the
enormous investigative powers of the National Assembly are circumscribed, as
they are exercisable subject to other provisions of the constitution.
To buttress his
point, he cited past judgments by the courts declaring that Section 82 of the
constitution is not designed to enable the legislature to usurp the general
investigative functions of the executive nor the adjudication functions of the
judiciary.
Quoting the ruling
in the case, Senate of the National Assembly v. Momoh, the presiding judge
ruled: “They can only invite members of the public when they want to gather
facts for the purpose of enabling them make laws or amend existing laws in
respect of any matter within their legislative competence or as witnesses in a
properly constituted inquiry under section 82(1)(b).”
Also in Akomolafe
v. The Speaker of Ondo State House of Assembly, the late acting Chief Judge of
the state, Justice Ogundare, held: “Neither the Speaker nor the House is
empowered by the constitution and statute law to deal with the issue assigned
to the panel. The investigation of crimes is for the police and the trial of
criminal offences is for the courts. The Speaker on receipt of Mr. Aladeselu’s
letter ought to have referred it to the police for necessary action.”
In the light of the foregoing, Falana advised the Ethics Committee of the Senate to withdraw its illegal summons.
In the light of the foregoing, Falana advised the Ethics Committee of the Senate to withdraw its illegal summons.
“Instead of
exposing the Nigerian people to further undeserved embarrassment over the
Saraki case, the Senate is enjoined to enhance the fight against corruption by
passing the Whistle Blowers Bill, the Proceeds of Crime Bill and the Witness
Protection Bill which were passed by the Seventh National Assembly but were not
signed into law by former President Goodluck Jonathan.
“For the Nigerian
people to take the war against corruption seriously the members of the
legislative and executive arms of government ought to be prepared to
demonstrate leadership by example.
“In a country where the majority of the states are owing arrears of salaries, the legislators should be prepared to make sacrifice by reducing their fat salaries and jumbo allowances,” he added.
“In a country where the majority of the states are owing arrears of salaries, the legislators should be prepared to make sacrifice by reducing their fat salaries and jumbo allowances,” he added.
The committee’s
summons of the CCT chairman on Monday has been linked to his ruling on the same
day that Saraki’s trial would be conducted daily until it is concluded,
pursuant to the provisions of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act
(ACJA).
Meanwhile, the Senate yesterday restated that Saraki would not benefit from the amendment of the CCB and CCT Act, just as it said that there was no way it would also affect the ongoing trial of Saraki at the tribunal.
Meanwhile, the Senate yesterday restated that Saraki would not benefit from the amendment of the CCB and CCT Act, just as it said that there was no way it would also affect the ongoing trial of Saraki at the tribunal.
A statement by the
Chairman of the Committee on Media and Public Affairs, Senator Aliyu Sabi
Abdullahi, said the Senate noted that many of the comments on the proposed
amendments were made by those who had neither read the bill nor understood the
principles behind it.
Abdullahi said since the Saraki case commenced in 2015, any amendment of the law in 2016 cannot retroactively affect an ongoing case, adding that the proposed amendment would take a minimum of six months to come into effect, given the long process of law making.
Abdullahi said since the Saraki case commenced in 2015, any amendment of the law in 2016 cannot retroactively affect an ongoing case, adding that the proposed amendment would take a minimum of six months to come into effect, given the long process of law making.
According to him,
the process includes the committee hearing; public hearing; the presentation of
a report to Senate committee of the whole; the concurrence in the House of
Representatives; and assent by the president as the final stage.
“There is no way
we will even complete the process of finally effecting the amendments before
the completion of the Saraki case. So those who read selfish or ulterior
motives to this ordinary legislative activity are either mischievous or
ignorant of legislative procedures,” he said.
Abdullahi
explained that the sole aim of the amendment was to give effect to the right to
fair hearing as enshrined in Section 36 of the constitution and the recent
pronouncements of the Supreme Court.
Providing clarifications on the specific amendments to the Act, he said: “The amendment only affects Section 3 and Paragraph 17 of the Third Schedule of the current law. The sub-sections in Section 3 were re-arranged in such a way that they would reflect elegance in legal drafting. “Also, the proviso in Sub-section 3(d) was removed since it has also been removed in the constitution.
Providing clarifications on the specific amendments to the Act, he said: “The amendment only affects Section 3 and Paragraph 17 of the Third Schedule of the current law. The sub-sections in Section 3 were re-arranged in such a way that they would reflect elegance in legal drafting. “Also, the proviso in Sub-section 3(d) was removed since it has also been removed in the constitution.
“To give fair
hearing to the defendants in cases involving the bureau, Sub-sections 3(c) was
enlarged to ensure that the person concerned was invited to state his own case,
after which the CCB can still refer the matter to the tribunal for trial.
“This eliminates
the constant complaint that a defendant was not given the opportunity to make
an explanation on the inconsistencies alleged to have been found in his asset
declaration form.
“This is bringing the law in compliance with the judicial principle of audi alterem partem (hear from both sides in a case before taking a decision). The proposed deletion of Paragraph 17 in the Third Schedule of the law is to ensure that the court does not assume a procedure for which the drafters of the law and the lawmakers did not intend.
“This is bringing the law in compliance with the judicial principle of audi alterem partem (hear from both sides in a case before taking a decision). The proposed deletion of Paragraph 17 in the Third Schedule of the law is to ensure that the court does not assume a procedure for which the drafters of the law and the lawmakers did not intend.
“The Penal and
Criminal Codes mentioned in the paragraph are no longer relevant. The CCT was
not created to be a court with criminal jurisdiction and that is why the law
provides for the defendant to be referred to another court if criminal issues
emanate from any matter.”
Abdullahi further
explained that the Senate considered this amendment necessary so as to “cure
the inconsistencies and mischief arising from the operation and interpretations
of the present law”.
“Unfortunately, this ordinary act of legislation has been caught in a conspiracy theory beyond the wildest imagination of lawmakers,” he said.
“Unfortunately, this ordinary act of legislation has been caught in a conspiracy theory beyond the wildest imagination of lawmakers,” he said.
The Senate also
debunked media reports that it bought 108 Toyota Land Cruiser sports utility
vehicles (SUVs) for each senator excluding the Senate president, saying it
bought only 36 cars that were handed to one senator from each of the states of
the federation.
The Chairman of the Senate Services Committee, Senator Ibrahim Gobir said yesterday that misinformation by such reports had made the clarification imperative.
The Chairman of the Senate Services Committee, Senator Ibrahim Gobir said yesterday that misinformation by such reports had made the clarification imperative.
According to him,
the Senate cannot afford to buy 108 cars at this time because it does not have
the funds, adding that the money spent to buy the 36 cars had already been
appropriated in the 2015 budget.
Furthermore, Gobir disclosed that the cars were purchased at the cost of N36.5 million each, including tax. But the figures provided by the senator did not add up as the cost of each of the SUVs.
He said the decision to give a car to one senator from each state was a collective decision of the Senate during a closed-door session. He also said no loan was secured to buy the cars.
Furthermore, Gobir disclosed that the cars were purchased at the cost of N36.5 million each, including tax. But the figures provided by the senator did not add up as the cost of each of the SUVs.
He said the decision to give a car to one senator from each state was a collective decision of the Senate during a closed-door session. He also said no loan was secured to buy the cars.
“A lot has been
happening within the last two days concerning the issue of cars vis-à-vis our
car loans and cost of the cars, and we feel it is necessary to come out and
inform the public about the true state of affairs.
“First, I would
like to say that the issue that we bought 108 cars is totally wrong, it is not
correct. We bought 36 cars. Thirty-six cars because each state has a senator
that is either a committee chairman or vice-chairman and we gave one car to
each state to share among themselves as utility cars. We don’t have money to
buy 108 cars.
“On the issue of
buying cars without appropriation, that is totally wrong because this was
appropriated in the 2015 budget. So we used what we had in the 2015 budget to
buy the 36 cars so that they can go round to each state.
“Then the issue of
the cost of the car: the showroom price of each car was N36.5 million and we
were surprised. The cars we bought were the (Toyota) Land Cruiser VXR V8 not
V6, therefore the showroom price was about N31 million at the least, and then
when you add the 10 per cent tax, it comes to N36.5 million.
“In fact, you can
go to the internet and download the price. It is very simple, we can give you
the website, we have several items we downloaded from the internet and you can
see them.
“This particular
car cost about $90,000 and by the time you multiply that by the exchange rate,
you will get about N28.8 million. But when you add tax, you will end up with
about N37 million.
“So I think that
the price at which we purchased each of the cars was very reasonable. We were
supposed to buy 109 cars but because of the paucity of funds, because of our
sensitivity and concern for lack of funds, we bought only 36 to go round per
state,” he said.
Defending the
purchase, he said federal ministers, House of Representatives members, and
other senior public sector officers have access to three or four official cars
including Toyota Land Cruiser, a backup car and two Hilux cars.
He also refuted
reports that senators had been paid car loans. “Hear it from me, we did not
take car loans… No senator was given a car loan,” he said. SOURSE THISDAY NEWS
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